Original HRC document

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Document Type: Final Report

Date: 2017 Jan

Session: 34th Regular Session (2017 Feb)

Agenda Item: Item3: Promotion and protection of all human rights, civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to development

GE.17-00339(E)



Human Rights Council Thirty-fourth session

27 February-24 March 2017

Agenda item 3

Promotion and protection of all human rights, civil,

political, economic, social and cultural rights,

including the right to development

Report of the Independent Expert on the enjoyment of human rights by persons with albinism

Note by the Secretariat

The Secretariat has the honour to transmit to the Human Rights Council the report of

the Independent Expert on the enjoyment of human rights by persons with albinism

pursuant to Council resolution 28/6. In her report the Independent Expert provides a brief

account of activities undertaken in fulfilment of the mandate in 2016. She also discusses

witchcraft as a root cause of attacks against persons with albinism, the impact of witchcraft

on the enjoyment of human rights by persons with albinism and ways forward.

United Nations A/HRC/34/59

Report of the Independent Expert on the enjoyment of human rights by persons with albinism

Contents

Page

I. Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 3

II. Activities of the Independent Expert ............................................................................................. 3

A. Engagement with countries and stakeholders…. .................................................................. 3

B. Towards a regional action plan to address attacks against persons with albinism ................ 4

III. Witchcraft and the human rights of persons with albinism ........................................................... 5

A. A word on albinism .............................................................................................................. 5

B. Delineation, conceptualization and impact of witchcraft on the human rights

of persons with albinism ....................................................................................................... 6

C. Promising practices and subsisting challenges ..................................................................... 14

IV. Conclusions and recommendations ............................................................................................... 20

I. Introduction

1. The present report is submitted pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution 28/6,

in which the Council established the mandate of the Independent Expert on the enjoyment

of human rights by persons with albinism.

2. In section II of her report, the Independent Expert provides an overview of activities

undertaken since March 2016 and of the progress made in the priority areas identified in her

previous report (A/HRC/31/63), in particular, attacks and discrimination against persons

with albinism. In section III, she focuses on witchcraft as a key root cause of attacks, with

the goal of adding to the information contained in her report to the General Assembly

(A/71/255). Her ultimate purpose is to contribute to the understanding of witchcraft as it

relates to persons with albinism, grasping its implications and identifying adequate

protection and prevention measures.

II. Activities of the Independent Expert

A. Engagement with countries and stakeholders

Country visits

3. In 2016, the Independent Expert conducted country visits to Malawi

(A/HRC/34/59/Add.1) from 18 to 29 April 2016 and to Mozambique

(A/HRC/34/59/Add.2) from 21 August to 3 September 2016. Both countries had recently

been affected by a significant increase in attacks against persons with albinism.

4. Despite the lack of comprehensive data on the exact pattern of attacks and

information on the masterminds behind those crimes, it is believed that there is often a

cross-border element in the attacks. In addition, many of the issues that Malawi is facing

regarding persons with albinism, including violence, discrimination and challenges in

providing protection, preventing violence and ensuring accountability, are also present in

Mozambique. The Independent Expert believes that regional cooperation and joint action

through regional and subregional institutions and mechanisms are fundamental for long-

term solutions.

Engagement with stakeholders

5. The Independent Expert participated in numerous public engagements, including

interventions in a multiplicity of local and international media, as well as conferences and

expert meetings, which allowed her to raise awareness among an extensive audience, share

information and promote good practices with regard to the enjoyment of human rights by

persons with albinism. These events included participation in the sixteenth national

conference of the National Organization for Albinism and Hypopigmentation of the United

States of America; the regional expert meeting on support services for persons with

disabilities, held in Addis Ababa; the fifth international workshop on enhancing

cooperation between the United Nations and regional human rights mechanisms for the

promotion and protection of human rights; and the fourth Annual Conference on Disability

Rights in Africa, organized by the Centre for Human Rights of the University of Pretoria,

South Africa. The Independent Expert also celebrated International Albinism Awareness

Day (13 June) in Dar es Salaam with high-level officials of Government, international

missions and civil society.

6. In addition, the Independent Expert organized a side event, with the United Nations

Interregional Crime and Justice Research Institute, on the margins of the thirty-first session

of the Human Rights Council on the root causes of attacks against persons with albinism, in

particular the subject witchcraft and health, and took part in other side events, including in

the margins of the General Assembly to mark the tenth anniversary of the Convention on

the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.

Communications

7. Summaries of allegation letters sent during the period covered by the present report

are available in the communications reports of special procedures (A/HRC/33/32 and

A/HRC/34/75).

8. The Independent Expert focuses on earnest, constructive dialogue with States

through formal and informal channels, including bilateral meetings, promotion of best

practices and ongoing exchanges of information.

B. Towards a regional action plan to address attacks against persons with

albinism

9. Various recommendations to address violence and discrimination against persons

with albinism have been made by international bodies, including the Office of the United

Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (A/HRC/24/57), the Human Rights Council

Advisory Committee (A/HRC/28/75), the International Organization of la Francophonie,1

the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (resolution 263), the Human

Rights Council (resolution 23/13), human rights treaty bodies2 and the universal periodic

review mechanism.

10. In June 2016, in cooperation with the Government of the United Republic of

Tanzania and various partners,3 the Independent Expert organized a consultative forum

titled “Action on albinism in Africa” in Dar es Salaam. More than 150 participants from 26

countries in the region representing civil society, Governments, national human rights

institutions, regional and international governmental organizations and academia took part.

Participants started drafting an action plan in which they identified specific measures to

implement the recommendations mentioned in the previous paragraph, and also pledged to

take various actions through their respective organizations. The action plan was developed

around four main clusters: prevention measures, protection measures, accountability

measures and measures to combat discrimination. The forum also elected a “think tank” to

pursue its deliberations.

1 Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and International

Organization of la Francophonie, outcome report of the expert meeting titled “Persons with albinism:

violence, discrimination and the way forward”, Geneva, 24 September 2014 (unpublished).

2 Including the Committee against Torture, the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,

the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, the Committee on the

Elimination of Racial Discrimination, the Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, the

Committee on the Rights of the Child and the Human Rights Committee.

3 The United Nations country team, the Commission on Human Rights and Good Governance, the

World Bank, OHCHR, the non-governmental organizations Standing Voice and Under the Same Sun,

the embassies of Norway, Ireland and the United States of America and the High Commission of

Canada.

11. In November, the Independent Expert convened a high-level meeting in Pretoria,4 to

consult with representatives from the United Nations, the African Union, Governments and

civil society organizations on the draft action plan discussed in June in Dar es Salaam. Also

in November, the think tank, along with selected experts, convened in Nairobi,5 to refine

the measures identified in the action plan and to build them into an effective road map

containing concrete and achievable time-bound measures designed for the African context.

12. The Independent Expert intends to organize another high-level meeting in 2017 to

finalize the action plan.

III. Witchcraft and the human rights of persons with albinism

13. In her report to the General Assembly (A/71/255), in which she provided a

preliminary overview of the root causes of attacks and discrimination against persons with

albinism, the Independent Expert showed how interrelated factors, including the

mythologization of albinism and a related lack of understanding of the scientific bases of

the condition, poverty, witchcraft practices and other aggravating factors all contributed to

ongoing outbreaks of attacks and discrimination against persons with albinism. In the

present report, the Independent Expert refers to “witchcraft” as “phenomena”, to reflect the

plurality of concepts, terms, practices and beliefs encompassed by the term.

14. In continuation of that report, the following analysis seeks to further understanding

of the broader issue of root causes by looking specifically at witchcraft. Of all identified

root causes, witchcraft is one of the most challenging, owing to the complexity and the

inherent barriers to the conceptualization of the phenomena. Yet addressing witchcraft

remains a priority, as it is at the crux of attacks against persons with albinism.

A. A word on albinism

15. Albinism is a relatively rare, non-contagious, genetically inherited condition that

affects people worldwide regardless of ethnicity or gender. It results from a significant

deficit in the production of melanin and is characterized by the partial or complete absence

of pigment in the skin, hair and eyes. Persons with albinism therefore often appear pale in

comparison to members of their family and their communities. For a person to be affected

by albinism, both parents must carry the gene, and in such cases there is a 25 per cent

chance at each pregnancy that a child will be born with albinism. The frequency of albinism

varies by region. In Europe and North America, the reported frequency is 1 in 17,000 to 1

in 20,000 births. The frequency in certain parts of the Pacific is reported to be 1 in 700.

Among some indigenous peoples in South America, the reported frequency is 1 in 70 to 1

in 125. In sub-Saharan Africa, the reported frequency ranges from 1 in 5,000 to 1 in 15,000,

with prevalence rates of 1 in 1,000 to 1 in 1,500 for selected populations. An important

caveat is that some studies of the frequency of albinism often lack objectivity in their

methodology or are incomplete, rendering estimates as best guesses in most instances.

16. There are different types of albinism. The most common and visible type is

oculocutaneous albinism, which affects the skin, hair and eyes. Within this type are

subtypes that may reflect varying degrees of melanin deficiency in an individual. Lack of

melanin in the eyes results in high sensitivity to bright light and significant vision

impairment, with the level of severity varying from one person to another. This vision

4 With the support of Open Society Foundation.

5 With the support of Open Society Initiative of South Africa and Open Society Initiative of East Africa.

impairment often cannot be completely corrected. In addition, one of the most serious

health implications of albinism is vulnerability to skin cancer, which remains a life-

threatening condition for most persons with albinism. All human rights issues relating to

albinism reported to date — attacks, mutilation and trafficking of body parts, among others

— have been linked to its oculocutaneous form, which is also the most visible type of

albinism.

17. In the international human rights framework, persons with albinism have normative

protection in the International Bill of Rights covering all their fundamental human rights,

including the rights to life, physical integrity, liberty, security, the highest attainable

standard of physical and mental health and an adequate standard of living. Further

protection can be found in specific instruments, including the Convention on the Rights of

Persons with Disabilities and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms

of Racial Discrimination, which proscribes “racial discrimination” based on colour.

B. Delineation, conceptualization and impact of witchcraft on the human

rights of persons with albinism

What is witchcraft?

18. The United Nations Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary

executions, in a 2009 report (A/HRC/11/2), stated that witchcraft “has not featured

prominently on the radar screen of human rights monitors” and that “this may be due partly

to the difficulty of defining ‘witches’ and ‘witchcraft’ across cultures — terms that, quite

apart from their connotations in popular culture, may include an array of traditional or faith

healing practices that are not easily defined”.

19. The phenomena have many connotations and are subject to many interpretations,

such that objective definitions are unsatisfactory; “[the] real meaning derives from

relationships, shared experiences and individual feelings”. Consequently the “meanings …

are so varied because the concept is so versatile”.6

20. In a 2011 report, HelpAge International reviewed legislation adopted to address

accusations of witchcraft and related violence in nine countries and came to similar

conclusions.7 One of the key findings of the study was the difficulty, both nationally and

regionally, encountered by these countries in defining witchcraft.

21. According to a study undertaken by the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF),

the French notion of “sorcery” and the English notion of “witchcraft” were introduced to

Africa by the first Europeans explorers, colonialists and missionaries and, strongly

influenced by European history, were pejorative. These concepts were employed to

translate the terms used in vernacular languages for local realities. The notion of witchcraft,

as used in the present report, therefore refers to multiple concepts covered by a variety of

different terms referring to various phenomena whose interpretation relies on their context.

It is nevertheless generally agreed that in all cultural contexts, witchcraft refers to negative

occult or mystical forces,8 although it has been — albeit less frequently — associated with

positive connotations such as empowerment and cleansing.

6 Malcolm Gaskill, Witchcraft: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford University Press, 2010).

7 Using the Law to Tackle Accusations of Witchcraft: HelpAge Internationals Position (London, 2011).

The publication covers Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Côte d’Ivoire, India, Kenya, Malawi, Senegal,

South Africa and the United Republic of Tanzania.

8 United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), Children Accused of Witchcraft: An Anthropological

Study of Contemporary Practices in Africa (Dakar, 2010). Available from

22. Evans-Pritchard distinguishes between “witchcraft” and “sorcery”.9 According to his

definition, witches have supernatural powers and operate in secret, in order to harm victims

by devouring their life essence. In contrast, a sorcerer is someone who does harm by using

plant substances and rituals. The use of body parts of persons with albinism in amulets,

charms, potions or other preparations could arguably fall under either category. Therefore,

in the present report, the Independent Expert will use the term “witchcraft” to denote both

concepts. She will not use the term “magic”, which has been employed in some cases to

describe attacks against persons with albinism, because it seems to have a dual quality of

both benevolence and malevolence, and may therefore be misunderstood. Since the report

intends to capture witchcraft in the broader sense and its negative impact on persons with

albinism, the term “magic” — in its malevolent form — will be understood to be subsumed

by the term “witchcraft”.

23. From the sociological and anthropological perspectives, the following definition for

witchcraft has been proposed by Marc Augé: witchcraft is “a set of beliefs, structured and

shared by a given population that addresses the origin of misfortune, illness and death, and

the set of practices for detection, treatment and punishment that corresponds to these

beliefs”.10 Often, the diagnostic aspect of witchcraft often pinpoints an individual person as

the source of the misfortune within the family, place of employment or community.

24. UNICEF extends this definition by adding that “witchcraft is a theory that explains

and justifies a conception of the universe”.11 With both conceptualizations, witchcraft could

also be described as a religion or belief. In various countries affected by attacks against

persons with albinism, witchcraft beliefs and practices are widespread. Adherents are found

across various strata of society, transcending socioeconomic class, the urban-rural divide

and levels of education.

25. Witchcraft beliefs and related practices are not simply the repetition of ancient

traditional practices; they can change or develop. While some beliefs and practices appear

to have ancient origins that have been both preserved and adapted to contemporary

contexts, other practices, such as the use of body parts from persons with albinism, are

apparently of recent origin. In that regard, it would constitute a “new tradition” or an

“invented tradition” that has been adapted or is adaptable to contemporary society. Some

stakeholders suggest that attacks against persons with albinism are a recent phenomenon

because of the rapid spread of the problem across multiple countries in the last 10 years.

For example, stakeholders in Malawi and in Mozambique repeatedly stated that the use of

body parts of persons with albinism was not a traditional practice in their respective

countries and that it had developed recently, influenced by practices in other countries.

However, there are insufficient data to support this assertion. In addition, even if it were

substantiated, attacks and the use of body parts linked to witchcraft practices could not take

hold so quickly in a country unless there was already a context facilitative of witchcraft

beliefs and practices.

26. Although belief in, and practice of, witchcraft can be associated in certain cases with

empowerment, healing and cleansing, attacks and use of body parts of persons with

albinism, regardless of the purpose for which they are used, cannot under any

circumstances be considered an elemental part of any legitimate practice, whether linked to

witchcraft or to traditional medicine, because such acts inherently constitute criminal

www.unicef.org/wcaro/wcaro_children-accused-of-witchcraft-in-Africa.pdf.

9 E.E. Evans-Pritchard, Witchcraft, Oracles, and Magic among the Azande (Oxford University Press,

1976).

10 La construction du monde (Paris, Maspero, 1974), quoted in UNICEF, Children Accused of

Witchcraft.

11 UNICEF, p. 10.

activity and other human rights violations. Consequently, they cannot be justified on the

basis of tradition, traditional medicine, or any other ground.

Muti or juju

27. Muti is a Zulu word used in southern Africa that refers to types of traditional

medicine, magical charms, potions or amulets. It has also been defined as a substance

fabricated from plants, animals or minerals by a person possessing expert knowledge and

skill.12 In West Africa, the term “juju” is used to refer to a similar practice. It is sometimes

believed that the muti or juju will be more effective if it contains human body parts, in

particular those of persons with albinism, as these are believed to be intrinsically magical or

powerful, with the ability to produce wealth and confer good luck. “Muti murder”,

“medicine murder” and “juju” are therefore the terms most commonly associated with ritual

attacks to produce charms, potions or amulets that involve the use of human body parts. In

this context, muti and juju seem to be related to witchcraft and are therefore subsumed by

the term “witchcraft” in the present report. In particular, witchcraft-related beliefs, rituals

and practices seem to give energy and meaning to muti and juju. Even if in some cases

witchcraft-related beliefs are described as superstitions unaffiliated with any religious

systems, they can be harnessed by witchcraft practitioners to the detriment of various

victims, including persons with albinism.

28. Persons with albinism are victims of ritual attacks. It is believed that their body parts

can bring, inter alia, wealth and good luck when used in potions made by practitioners of

witchcraft, referred to as witchdoctors. Persons with albinism who are victims of such

attacks are often dismembered and their body parts stolen, including limbs, genitals and

hair. In addition, body parts are often taken from live victims because of the related belief

that the intensity of their screams while being dismembered enhances the potency of the

muti or juju.

29. Although both children and adults are victims of attacks for the removal of body

parts, civil society reports that children constitute the majority of victims. The apparent

targeting of children is reportedly linked to the pursuit of innocence, which is believed to

enhance the potency of the muti or juju. Further, children are more vulnerable to attacks

because they are easy to find and capture and do not have the physical strength to fend off

attackers.

30. Civil society and other reliable sources have reported more than 600 cases of attacks

against persons with albinism across 26 countries, the majority of them in the last eight

years. These are only the known cases. The frequency of family involvement in attacks

against persons with albinism and the lack of comprehensive monitoring of attacks have an

impact on the gathering of complete data.

31. Attacks against persons with albinism often involve three types of perpetrators:

persons who hunt, attack, kill and dismember persons with albinism and transport their

body parts; persons, often presenting themselves as witchdoctors, who prepare the muti or

juju using the body parts; and persons who obtain or purchase the muti or juju. Each of

these actions constitutes a crime and should therefore be investigated and prosecuted under

relevant criminal law provisions, irrespective of whether they are connected to muti, juju or

witchcraft.

32. However, one of the major challenges in prosecuting attacks has been the inability to

identify and prosecute the last two categories of perpetrators. The collection of evidence on

12 Adam Ashforth, “Witchcraft, justice, and human rights in Africa: cases from Malawi”, African

Studies Review, vol. 58, No. 1 (April 2015).

the entire chain of criminal command of attacks against persons with albinism is often

hindered by the secrecy surrounding witchcraft practice, the participation of family

members in perpetrating attacks, the inability or fear of victims and their families to report

attacks, as well as the limited financial, human and technical resources at the disposal of

law enforcement agents in the concerned countries.

Trafficking of body parts for muti/juju

33. The Independent Expert has received reports that demand for body parts for the

purpose of muti or juju has led to the existence of a black market, at the national, regional

and international levels, for body parts of persons with albinism. While there is often

evidence of trafficking and attempted trafficking of body parts, evidence of the market for

the parts is more indicative than substantive at present. It is therefore important to conduct

further investigative studies and research to map patterns of trafficking of body parts,

including on the alleged markets or points of sale, and on the international networks that

may be involved.

Witchcraft accusations

34. Accusations of witchcraft and related violence are one of the most visible and

reported manifestations of belief in witchcraft. While reports indicate that persons with

albinism are mainly affected by the muti and juju forms of witchcraft-related violence,

mothers of children with albinism and children born with albinism have also reportedly

been accused of witchcraft.

35. Philip Alston has noted that reports from a surprisingly large number of countries in

different regions of the world indicate that the intentional killing of individuals labelled as

witches remains a significant and very troubling phenomenon; such killings are by no

means a practice of the past.13

36. In the report of her mission to Papua New Guinea (A/HRC/23/49/Add.2), the

Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences stated that she

had witnessed brutal assaults perpetrated against suspected sorcerers, which in many cases

included torture, rape, mutilation and murder. Similarly, in the report of her mission to

India (A/HRC/26/38/Add.1), she explained that the stigma attached to women who were

labelled “witches” and the rejection they experienced within their communities led not only

to various human rights violations but constituted an obstacle to gaining access to justice.

She also noted that such labelling affected family members across generations. Further, the

Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or

punishment, in the report of his mission to Ghana (A/HRC/25/60/Add.1), invited special

procedure mandate holders to follow up on practices in “witch camps” where, it was

reported, women — particularly elderly women — were banished once they had been

labelled as witches.

37. In its study on children accused of witchcraft, UNICEF reported that, in many

African societies, births considered “abnormal” were generally surrounded by a complex

system of representations and rituals.14 Such births included twins, “badly born” children

and persons with albinism. Cases have been reported of parents killing their babies born

with albinism for being witches. Where these children are not killed at birth, they are often

taken to a spiritual leader or traditional healer to be “healed” through various forms of

violent exorcism. Similarly, in a report published by the Office of the Special

13 Philip Alston, “Of witches and robots: the diverse challenges of responding to unlawful killings in the

twenty-first century”, Macalester International, vol. 28 (2012).

14 UNICEF, Children Accused of Witchcraft.

Representative of the Secretary General on Violence Against Children in 2012, it is stressed

that vulnerable children such as children with disabilities, children with albinism, premature

babies or specially gifted children are often the target of witchcraft accusations.15 The link

between witchcraft and persons with albinism was also noted in western Sudan where

persons with albinism were accused of taking part in “strange and dangerous practices”

related to witchcraft.16

38. In addition, the common belief that persons with albinism are a bad omen or a curse

on their family or on the community, although not, stricto sensu, a witchcraft accusation,

does attribute evil qualities to a newborn, with an impact on the mothers and family

members in a manner that is strongly analogous to the impact stemming from witchcraft

accusations. Consequently, infanticide, abandonment of children with albinism and

exclusion of the children and their mothers from community life (either structural expulsion

or exclusion from participation) have been reported to the Independent Expert.

Criminalization of witchcraft

39. The question of whether to criminalize acts of witchcraft was examined by Philip

Alston.17 After considering various arguments in favour of criminalization, including that

local customs should be reflected in national law; that criminal law should protect against

all types of violence, including violence committed by occult means; and that the failure of

criminal law to address such acts leads individuals to take the law into their own hands to

achieve what is popularly considered to be a just and fair result, he concluded that the

weight of the arguments against criminalization was superior. Criminalization would

reinforce the social stigmatization of those accused, and such a prohibition of witchcraft

might be socially perceived as providing legitimacy to the killing and ill-treatment of

alleged witches. In addition, the very subjective nature of witchcraft, illustrated by the

difficulty of finding a clear definition of the concept and the impossibility of identifying

objective factors as evidence to be weighed in a court of law were sufficient bases on which

to conclude that acts of witchcraft as such should not be criminalized. This does not mean

that criminal action becomes legitimate when committed for witchcraft purposes, but rather

that a licit action should not be considered a criminal act because it is conducted for

witchcraft purposes. Objective criminal acts should be prosecuted, regardless of their (mere

or inextricable) link to witchcraft.

40. Similarly, the Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief stated in the report

of his mission to Sierra Leone (A/HRC/25/58/Add.1) that freedom of religion or belief,

while allowing for legally defined limitations to protect the rights and freedoms of others,

must be broadly understood. Witchcraft-related beliefs, whether in their ancient or modern

form, are protected under the freedom of belief, as are actions related to such beliefs, as

long as they do not violate the rights of others. However, he also stressed that “the serious

harm inflicted on persons accused of witchcraft can never be justified”, and that “if

someone were to invoke the right to freedom of religion or belief in order to support

harmful practices, such as the persecution and punishment of alleged witches, this would be

a clear case for limiting the application of freedom of religion or belief”. The same

15 Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary General on Violence against Children and Plan

International, Protecting Children from Harmful Practices in Plural Legal Systems (New York, 2012).

Available from

http://srsg.violenceagainstchildren.org/sites/default/files/publications_final/SRSG_Plan_harmful_prac

tices_report_final.pdf.

16 H. Labouret, “La sorcellerie au Soudan occidental”, Journal of the International African Institute,

quoted in UNICEF, Children Accused of Witchcraft.

17 Alston, “Of witches and robots”.

reasoning applies to other harmful practices, including attacks against persons with

albinism: harmful practices can never be justified.

41. Article 18 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights distinguishes

the freedom of thought, conscience, religion or belief from the freedom to manifest religion

or belief. On the one hand, it does not permit any limitations whatsoever on the freedom of

thought and conscience or on the freedom to have or adopt a religion or belief of one’s

choice. These freedoms are protected unconditionally. On the other hand, restrictions on the

freedom to manifest religion or belief are permitted if limitations are prescribed by law and

are necessary to protect public safety, order, health or morals, or the fundamental rights and

freedoms of others.18 In joint general recommendation No. 31 of the Committee on the

Elimination of Discrimination against Women/general comment No. 18 of the Committee

on the Rights of the Child (2014) on harmful practices, the committees recognize that

harmful practices are deeply rooted and that there are often attempts to justify them by

invoking sociocultural and religious customs and values. However, harmful practices can

never be justified and must be eliminated, including by challenging sociocultural norms and

attitudes that underlie them. In addition, States cannot justify any delay in taking action on

any grounds, including cultural and religious grounds.

42. Despite these considerations, it appears that various countries with records of attacks

do criminalize witchcraft, using a definition of the phenomena in their legislation.

However, most of these laws were inherited from the colonial period and are often out of

touch with present reality. They bear a limited understanding of witchcraft — its extent,

scope, flexibility and evolution — and proffer a definition of the phenomena that is difficult

to enforce.

43. It is important to reiterate that although witchcraft per se should not be criminalized,

any killing of persons for the use of body parts in witchcraft-related practices such as muti

or juju should be prosecuted. To do so, it is necessary to ensure that legal provisions

criminalize a broad range of attacks and assaults, as well as criminalize the possession and

trafficking of body parts. Linking such a criminal action to muti and juju would be

challenging, given the difficulty in establishing objective evidentiary standards.

Nonetheless, where evidence substantially supports the proposition that muti and juju were

the purpose of the criminal activity, States could consider including that factor as an

aggravating circumstance leading to a heavier sentence and ultimately deter crime

incentivized by witchcraft. Non-legal tools such as public education and sociocultural

interventions with stakeholders would also be necessary to complement such legal practice

in dissuading muti, juju and all crimes related to witchcraft.

44. While defining witchcraft as an element of crime raises issues, witchcraft

accusations could be objectively defined without defining witchcraft. Therefore, to suppress

witchcraft accusations, they could be proscribed with legislation, enforceable with relative

ease.

Harmful practices

45. In joint general recommendation No. 31/general comment No. 18, the Committee on

the Elimination of Discrimination against Women and the Committee on the Rights of the

Child have provided guidance on what constitutes harmful practices, which are defined as

“persistent practices and forms of behaviour that are grounded in discrimination on the

basis of, among other things, sex, gender and age, in addition to multiple and/or intersecting

18 Human Rights Committee, general comment No. 22 (1993) on freedom of thought, conscience and

religion.

forms of discrimination that often involve violence and cause physical and/or psychological

harm or suffering”.

46. Accordingly, to be regarded as harmful, practices should meet any or a combination

of the following criteria:

(a) They constitute a denial of the dignity and/or integrity of the individual and a

violation of the human rights and fundamental freedoms enshrined in the Convention on the

Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and the Convention on the

Rights of the Child;

(b) They constitute discrimination against women or children and are harmful

insofar as they result in negative consequences for them as individuals or groups, including

physical, psychological, economic and social harm and/or violence and limitations on their

capacity to participate fully in society or develop and reach their full potential;

(c) They are traditional, re-emerging or emerging practices that are prescribed

and/or kept in place by social norms that perpetuate male dominance and inequality of

women and children, on the basis of sex, gender, age and other intersecting factors;

(d) They are imposed on women and children by family members, community

members or society at large, regardless of whether the victim provides, or is able to

provide, full, free and informed consent.

47. Attacks against persons with albinism for the purpose of obtaining and using body

parts in muti or juju as well as accusations of witchcraft match these criteria for harmful

practices. In the publication on harmful practices issued by her Office, the Special

Representative of the Secretary-General on Violence against Children, quoting the UNICEF

study, reported that “discrimination, violence and harmful practices against children with

albinism have reached alarming proportions”.19 She added that there were no cultural or

religions justifications for such practices.

48. In addition, the Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief has stated that

persecution and punishment of alleged witches would be a clear case for limiting the

application of freedom of religion or belief, in accordance with the criteria under article 18

of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (see A/HRC/25/58/Add.1,

paragraph 42).

Traditional medicine

49. The right to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental

health was first articulated in the 1946 Constitution of the World Health Organization

(WHO), whose preamble states that “the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of

health is one of the fundamental rights of every human being without distinction of race,

religion, political belief, economic or social condition”. Similarly, article 25 of the

Universal Declaration of Human Rights mentions health as part of the right to an adequate

standard of living. Article 12 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and

Cultural Rights provides the most comprehensive normative framework on the right to the

highest attainable standard of health. The article has been interpreted as inclusive of

specific entitlements, including the right to an adequate system of health protection, the

right to prevention and treatment of illnesses, the right to access essential medicines, the

provision of health-related education and information, as well as participation of those

concerned in health-related decisions.20

19 Protecting Children from Harmful Practices, p. 35.

20 Committee on Economic Social and Cultural Rights, general comment No. 14 (2000) on the right to

50. Article 24 of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples

recognizes the right of indigenous peoples to their traditional medicines, to maintain their

health practices and to access social and health services without discrimination.

51. In its global study on the legal status of traditional medicine and

complementary/alternative medicine, WHO recognized both mainstream medical care

(allopathic medicine) and complementary/alternative medicine, terms that were used

interchangeably with “traditional medicine” in some countries.21 Given the broadness of the

term “traditional medicine” and the wide range of practices it encompassed, traditional

medicine was difficult to define with a finite list of objective criteria. However, WHO

provided a helpful list of what might be included: a diversity of health practices,

approaches, knowledge, and beliefs incorporating plant, animal and/or mineral-based

medicines; spiritual therapies; manual techniques; and exercises, applied singly or in

combination, to maintain well-being, as well as to treat, diagnose or prevent illness.

52. One third of the world’s population and over half of the populations of the poorest

parts of Asia and Africa do not have regular access to allopathic drugs, including essential

medicines. In its global study, WHO reported that the most commonly reported reasons for

using traditional medicine were that it was more affordable and accessible, less paternalistic

than allopathic medicine and consequently often closer to the patient’s ideology. During the

visit of the Independent Expert to Mozambique, the very high number of traditional

medicine practitioners registered with the main association of traditional healers suggested

that resort to traditional medicine was popular.

53. WHO suggested that regardless of the reason why an individual used it, traditional

medicine provided an important health-care service to persons without geographic or

financial access to health care. The Special Rapporteur on the right of everyone to

enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health, in his report to

the Human Rights Council in 2008, echoed general comment No. 14, stating that “a health

system is required to take into account traditional preventive care, healing practices and

medicines” (see A/HRC/7/11, paragraph 44). In addition, he also stated, in his 2006 report

to the General Assembly (A/61/338), in which he examined the right to health and maternal

mortality, that all medicines had to be culturally acceptable and respectful of medical

ethics. He suggested, for example, that national measures should support the proper use of

traditional medicine and its integration into health-care systems, while clinical trials must

obtain the informed consent of research subjects.

54. Further, it is important to have standards in place to ensure that health care provided

by traditional medicine practitioners is safe and reliable. These would include standards for

the safety, efficacy and quality control of products and therapies, and regulations that

ensure that practitioners have the qualifications they profess.22

Traditional medicine and witchcraft-related practices

55. The present report does not question the necessity, complementarity or usefulness of

traditional medicine. However, the broad definition of the concept has led to situations

where the difference between witchcraft practitioners and traditional doctors is difficult to

establish in practice. For example, the Independent Expert has seen advertisements in

newspapers posted by “traditional healers” offering to make clients richer, cure incurable

the highest attainable standard of health.

21 World Health Organization (WHO), “Legal status of traditional medicine and

complementary/alternative medicine: a worldwide review”, 2001. Available from

http://apps.who.int/medicinedocs/en/d/Jh2943e/.

22 Ibid.

diseases, secure release from prison, and making other claims that are more suggestive of

witchcraft than traditional medicine. In this context, the ideological affinity found between

patients and traditional medicine could facilitate witchcraft as a harmful practice because

witchcraft can have a diagnostic objective that could implicate innocent third parties — for

example, persons known to and disliked by the patient — as the source of a patient’s

problem.

56. Countries with records of attacks against persons with albinism, including both

countries visited this year by the Independent Expert, demonstrated the challenge of the

ambiguity between the two practices. This problem has already been identified by the

Independent Expert as a root cause of attacks. The issue is further complicated by the lack

of effective oversight over the practice of traditional healers, the secrecy that often

surrounds witchcraft practice and the absence of a clear national policy position on the

issue.

C. Promising practices and subsisting challenges

1. National policies and action plans on witchcraft

Action plan to address violence related to witchcraft

57. The Government of Papua New Guinea has taken notable steps since 2013 to

address sorcery-related violence. Although there are no recorded cases of attacks against

persons with albinism in Papua New Guinea, measures were taken to address violence and

killings related to witchcraft accusations, which are usually levied against women or

members of other vulnerable groups.

58. As noted during the universal periodic review of Papua New Guinea, the National

Action Plan against Sorcery- and Witchcraft-related Violence was approved in 2015

(A/HRC/33/10). The Action Plan is supported by the national and provincial committees,

which serve to ensure its implementation to complement existing laws that address sorcery

and witchcraft-related killings and violence. The Action Plan, which puts emphasis on

strengthening partnerships between relevant stakeholders, has five core areas: legal reforms

and protection; health; advocacy and communication; care and counselling; and research.

Each area contains a few key recommendations and sets out concrete activities to be

implemented. It also allocates specific responsibilities to particular departments and

organizations, establishes time frames, and highlights the human and financial resources

necessary to implement them.

59. While the effectiveness of such a plan has yet to be evaluated, it is a promising

solution. It ensures national conversation on the issue, which in turn feeds into

conceptualization and delineation. It also sharpens legal tools for addressing the issues,

while identifying pertinent non-legal tools as well as key stakeholders to enlist in the

process.

Action plan on albinism

60. Action plans and policies that are currently being used and developed in countries

such as Malawi and Mozambique to address attacks against persons with albinism include

tools for addressing the root causes of attacks, including witchcraft.

61. Malawi adopted a response plan in March 2015. It includes developing an education

and awareness programme; strengthening community policing structures and the allocation

of adequate police forces in the districts most affected by attacks; undertaking research to

understand the root causes of attacks and trafficking in body parts; expediting prosecution

of attacks; providing psychosocial support to victims; and the review, amendment and

enactment of legislation where necessary to ensure the protection of persons with albinism.

62. Similarly, on 24 November 2015, Mozambique adopted an action plan to respond to

attacks, with concrete, time-bound measures. The action plan is based on a preliminary

socio-anthropological study on albinism conducted by the Institute of Social-Cultural

Research. The main areas of the action plan are promoting education on albinism, public

education and awareness-raising on the issue among families and communities;

guaranteeing protection and social assistance to persons with albinism; ensuring prevention

of attacks, legal assistance and procedural celerity; sharing and publication of judicial

decisions as a means of deterrence; and conducting further research to improve measures

identified in the plan and to support evidence-based policymaking.

63. Both plans adopt a multisectoral approach intended to address albinism as a cross-

cutting issue. This approach is necessary to expedite integration of the issue into existing

departments while harnessing the varied expertise of stakeholders in the development of

specific programmes aimed at persons with albinism.

Regional action plan

64. In 2016, the Independent Expert, in collaboration with regional human rights

mechanisms, launched a process towards the development of a regional action plan to

address attacks against persons with albinism in sub-Saharan Africa. The action plan seeks

to identify concrete measures for implementing recommendations made by various human

rights and other bodies and to translate them into a concrete road map for action with time-

bound measures.

65. The Independent Expert emphasizes the need to incorporate in the plan, as in all

initiatives on the issue, a dual or twin-track approach. This includes, on the one hand, an

emergency and priority response in the area of protection against and prevention of attacks

and, on the other hand, the adoption of long-term policies to fight discrimination; address

rampant myths, dangerous misconceptions, stigma and witchcraft practices affecting

persons with albinism; and ensure full enjoyment by those persons of their socioeconomic

rights, among others.

66. Measures identified can be implemented by integrating them into existing, broader

frameworks, including laws and policies to implement the rights of persons with

disabilities, on access to health, on the rights of women and children, on access to justice

services, on victim support services and to eliminate racial discrimination (including

discrimination based on colour). Such measures should be extended to the family members

of persons with albinism and, in particular, to mothers of children with albinism and

women generally. At the same time, specific measures of protection and anti-discrimination

for persons with albinism should also be carried out where possible, particularly in

countries affected by attacks against persons with albinism and where neglect of this group

has been historical and dire.

2. Best practices and other considerations for the way forward

Repealing outdated witchcraft legislation

67. In 2013, the Parliament of Papua New Guinea repealed the Sorcery Act (1971) in

total. The Act, whose objective was “to prevent and punish evil practices of sorcery and

other similar evil practices”, acknowledged the existence of sorcery and criminalized its

practice, including attacks against people accused of sorcery. In 2014, new legislation

criminalizing killings related to sorcery was enacted.

68. The repeal of the Sorcery Act followed a nationwide consultation and review by the

Constitutional Law Reform Commission. The Commission found that the law, although

rarely used, contained various contradictions and inconsistencies, and was difficult to

enforce. The Commission also found that the Act used ambiguous terminology. For

example, it referred to the difference between “innocent” and “forbidden” sorcery, but did

not clearly specify what those acts constituted. The Commission also reflected on the

technical difficulty of identifying the consequences of sorcery in a court procedure and on

linking sorcery to a given consequence, as it was practically impossible to provide evidence

that would prove its use. Further, the Commission found that the Act focused principally on

the sorcerer as the perpetrator and did not adequately address violence perpetrated against

persons accused of sorcery or of being a sorcerer. The Commission also found that the

existence of the Act itself could perpetuate belief in sorcery as a means of harming or

killing another person. Finally, the Commission found that sorcery as such was not a matter

falling under the jurisdiction of courts and tribunals, but was to be dealt with by religious

and spiritual leaders. However, any violence related to witchcraft, including murders and

attacks, was a criminal offence that should be treated as such by the courts and tribunals

(see A/HRC/23/49/Add.2, paras. 64-66).

69. It is likely that similar laws, including those inherited from the colonial era, when

examined in the light of the principles of human rights, including the rule of law and the

right to a fair trial, would lead to outcomes similar to the ones prescribed by the

Commission. They include repealing outdated legislation on witchcraft, while emphasizing

the necessity of sanctioning persons who accuse others of witchcraft; making it generally

known that harmful practices related to witchcraft would be prosecuted; and ensuring that

mere belief in witchcraft is not criminalized. However, as witchcraft in general has yet to

feature prominently on the radar of human rights mechanisms, the initiation of a system-

wide approach, beginning with a scaled-up version of the exercise conducted in Papua New

Guinea, including an exercise in definition, is timely.

Regulating traditional medicine

70. In certain countries, organizations of traditional healers have established oversight

systems to control the practice of their members. This is the case in Mozambique, where

oversight takes the form of voluntary registration in the association of traditional healers.

71. However, these efforts provide only limited control owing to several factors. First is

the absence of a normative framework and legislative clarity on the difference between

traditional medicine and witchcraft. This ambiguity is being abused by criminals posing as

traditional healers, but also by genuine traditional healers who go beyond using herbs and

animal body parts to using body parts of persons with albinism to attract a higher price for

their services.

72. Second are the inherent limits of self-regulation, weak law enforcement and the

absence of a far-reaching oversight mechanism for both urban and rural areas. Further, self-

regulation by organizations of traditional healers have done little to prevent purported

practitioners of traditional medicine from establishing themselves on their own, with no

oversight at all. Weak enforcement of government licensing systems has also led to similar

situations.

73. WHO, in its study on the legal status of traditional medicine, details the status of

traditional medicine in 123 countries around the world, showing the diverse approaches

taken by States with respect to the practice. In sub-Saharan Africa, some States recognize

traditional medicine as part of the national health system while others are silent on the

issue. There are also variations between States in the level of regulation of traditional

medicine practitioners. Some countries have established registers of practitioners, or

exercise control by issuing government licences at the central level; in others, local officials

are able to authorize the practice of traditional medicine in their administrative and/or

health subdivisions. In certain countries, unlicensed practising of traditional medicine is a

punishable offence. In other countries, including those with records of attacks, there is no

licensing or registration process for practitioners of traditional medicine.

74. The adoption of regulatory measures regarding traditional medicine would benefit

from a Government-enforced monitoring mechanism that reaches rural, remote and border

areas, particularly where attacks against persons with albinism have been reported. It is also

critical that any legislation enacted regarding the practice of traditional medicine be

accompanied by public education campaigns explaining the criminal nature of witchcraft-

related attacks and violence. In addition, efforts should be made to ensure that relevant

legislative developments are communicated to practitioners of traditional medicine and that

the new provisions are effective and enforced.

75. This does not mean that there is no role for the organizations of traditional healers in

the process. On the contrary, their task is fundamental in complementing the actions taken

by the State. For example, they could, in collaboration with the Government, develop

internal rules of practice and clarify the impact of law and policy on the details of their

practice. In this regard, good practices include cooperation among such organizations and

between the organizations and the ministries of health, including through exchange of

information and referrals.

76. In the public interest, it is also important that States ensure adequate standards for

traditional medicine. There must be minimum requirements for all practitioners, regardless

of whether they are affiliated with an organization. The standards must be in line with

established human rights norms, without compromising the core principles of availability,

accessibility, acceptability and quality of goods and services. The obligation on States also

extends to ensuring that practitioners do not conduct harmful practices, including the use of

body parts of persons with albinism for muti or juju.

Trafficking of body parts

77. Attacks against persons with albinism are characterized by the hacking off of body

parts. This appears to be the primary purpose of a majority of attacks. Body parts such as

limbs are removed from the body and transported to alleged witchdoctors for the purpose of

concocting muti or juju medicines and potions.

78. The Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially

Women and Children, supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational

Organized Crime defines trafficking as “the recruitment, transportation, transfer,

harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of

coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of

vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of

a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation”. A similar

definition is used in most legislation addressing trafficking in persons.

79. In 2008, the United Nations Global Initiative to Fight Human Trafficking convened

a workshop on human trafficking for the removal of organs and body parts, at which it was

stressed that the Protocol does not take trafficking in human organs into full consideration:

it addresses trafficking in organs only for the purpose of organ removal. It does not cover

the transfer of organs (for profit) alone, a situation that is analogous to the trafficking of

body parts of persons with albinism.

80. The Special Rapporteur on trafficking in persons, especially women and children, in

her 2013 report to the General Assembly (A/68/256), stated that the difference between

trafficking in organs and trafficking in persons for the removal of organs was largely

semantic, given that organs were not moved or traded independently of their source,

because the victim was moved or positioned in such a way as to make transplantation

possible. However, the hypothesis regarding attacks against persons with albinism suggests

a different context. Here the purpose is not the transplantation of a functional organ, but the

collection of a body part for muti or juju. Although some cases of trafficking of persons

with albinism have been reported, in the majority of the cases, the victims are attacked in

their homes or while carrying out their ordinary activities, and their body parts hacked off

their living or dead bodies at the place of the attack, or close by. In such cases, it cannot be

considered that the victims are trafficked, yet their body parts are being harvested,

transported and sold.

81. In addition, it is not certain that body parts, such as limbs hacked off, seized and

transported for the sake of muti or juju, would fall under the definition of “organ” in both

international and national trafficking laws. Neither the Protocol nor other global

instruments addressing trafficking for the removal and sale of organs, such as the Optional

Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the sale of children, child

prostitution and child pornography or the WHO Guiding Principles on Human Organ

Transplantation, defines “organ”. However, a definition of “organ” is provided by a specific

regional instrument on the issue, namely the Council of Europe Convention against

Trafficking in Human Organs, which defines “human organ” as “a differentiated part of the

human body formed by different tissues, that maintains its structure, vascularisation and

capacity to develop physiological functions with a significant level of autonomy”.

82. In the absence of specific legislation covering trafficking of body parts, some States

have been confronted with a legal gap when they arrest persons for trafficking body parts of

persons with albinism such as bones, hair and limbs. In response to this situation, in Malawi

for example, the judiciary has made creative use of the Anatomy Act, which was not

drafted with the horrendous crimes perpetrated against persons with albinism in mind. The

Act, which was drafted for a medical context, carries relatively light penalties but was, until

recent reforms, the only instrument available to prosecute cases of possession of body parts

of persons with albinism.

83. In addition to the problem of the legal gap, it is particularly difficult to establish that

any body parts found are linked to an attack, given that such crimes are often not reported

and the limited technical and financial means of law enforcement, particularly in the area of

forensics, as well as the time and distance between the place where the alleged attack

occurred and the place where the body parts were found. As a result, barring clear evidence

that the body part was obtained from an attack or a graveyard robbery, affected States have

resorted to laws that address mere illicit possession of body parts that, however, tend to

carry penalties perceived to be too weak and fail to encompass the overall context of the

crimes.

84. To address the specificities of the use of body parts in muti and juju, it is

fundamental to ensure that there is adequate legislation to prosecute the trafficking and sale

of body parts, including in non-medical contexts and when they do not meet the

requirements of the definition of “organs”.

Research and data

85. Information on albinism, particularly on attacks and trafficking of body parts,

requires further clarification and, in some cases, verification. Statistics, including

disaggregated data, are fundamental to improving and strategically enabling the

implementation of policies and action plans.

86. Similarly, research on the root causes of attacks, including witchcraft, is necessary to

refine prevention and protection measures. As specific witchcraft-related beliefs and

practices tend to arise from specific contexts, supported by different concepts and described

by a diversity of terms, research has to be undertaken with particular attention to the

specific sociocultural context.

Public education

87. Public education, including awareness-raising on the scientific explanations for

albinism, is one of the most fundamental tools for changing myths and erroneous beliefs

that trigger violence against persons with albinism. For example, in a pilot project carried

out in 2015-2016, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization

country office in the United Republic of Tanzania undertook community sensitization using

community radio and employing the sociocultural approach by empowering key

community stakeholders such as teachers, health workers, traditional leaders, traditional

healers and family members of persons with albinism to in turn mobilize their communities

to protect and promote the well-being and rights of people with albinism. The project was a

marked success. A post-project evaluation report revealed a quantifiable increase — in the

double digits — in the percentage of people claiming knowledge about albinism, including

its genetic basis and that it is not a curse.

88. The project illustrated the value of such campaigns and associated post-project

evaluation not only for the dissemination of information and changing of attitudes and

behaviour but also to gather data, as they revealed instructive patterns in the targeted

communities. For example, the belief that body parts of a person with albinism have

magical powers was found among respondents adhering to various religious groups:

Christians, Muslims and traditional believers. In the context of the survey, the latter group

had the highest number of believers in that myth. This type of information is helpful for

understanding the character of the problem and grounding solutions such as working with

all religious leaders. It also identifies areas where increased public education efforts or

more targeted projects might be warranted. The evaluation found that youth and women

were more likely to have misconceived notions about albinism than men. This suggests that

the project did not reach women and youth to the same extent as it did men and that it is

necessary to plan and implement further interventions that target these groups in

particular.23

89. The Independent Expert recommends the implementation of similar projects in all

countries affected by any or all of the phenomena of attacks, discrimination and stigma

against persons with albinism. Such projects should not be interrupted and last for a

minimum of two years. Content should be accessible, including through the use of

vernacular languages. Social media, mobile phone technology, community radio, rural

cinema and television programmes have also proven to be particularly useful for

awareness-raising. Creative awareness-raising methodologies and new ways of presenting

information, including through community theatre and celebrity ambassadors, have also

been successful.

90. Finally, campaigns should engage faith-based organizations, traditional leaders,

persons with albinism and their families. They should address witchcraft and related

beliefs, as well as fundamental topics involving albinism, including biological and scientific

information on the genetic origins of the condition and other objective facts to debunk

myths and misbeliefs surrounding the condition.

23 United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), “Evaluation of the

impact of the UNESCO intervention relating to people with albinism carried out within the

framework of the UN Development Assistance Plan (UNDAP 2011-2016) in Tanzania”, 2016,

unpublished.

IV. Conclusions and recommendations

91. Witchcraft practice, in particular the use of body parts of persons with

albinism for muti or juju, is undeniably one of the main root causes of attacks against

persons with albinism. However, owing to challenges in conceptualizing “witchcraft”

using objective elements, attempts at establishing clear legal boundaries around such

practices including to deter related harmful practices have been elusive. One

key exception is witchcraft accusations, an aspect of witchcraft practice that can be,

and has been, legally captured with objective elements because there is no need to

define “witchcraft” itself to achieve the purpose of preventing accusations and related

violence.

92. That being said, given the extent of witchcraft practices and the diversity of

victims of related harmful practices, including persons with albinism, a transversal

approach is timely. This could be in the form of a guiding document that takes into

account the several recommendations made to date, including by the Special

Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, the Constitutional

Law Reform Commission of Papua New Guinea and the preliminary conclusions of

the Independent Expert.

93. Meanwhile, strategies such as action plans designed to address witchcraft and

attacks against persons with albinism should encompass a variety of measures, inter

alia, to reinforce the existing legal framework, enhance the protection of persons with

albinism, ensure awareness-raising and strengthen research and data collection.

94. It is important to ensure that all stakeholders are closely associated with the

development and implementations of any strategies, including all relevant government

entities, academia and civil society, in particular, traditional healers, faith-based

organizations, organizations of persons with albinism and human rights

organizations.

95. Addressing deeply rooted beliefs and practices such as witchcraft necessitates

efforts in public education, which ought to be sustained even when the most visible

aspects of the consequences of witchcraft on persons with albinism, namely the attacks

against persons with albinism, appear to be decreasing.

96. Further, in addressing the issue of attacks against persons with albinism, all

initiatives are best taken using a dual or twin-track approach. Such an approach

would, on the one hand, urgently deal with attacks and trafficking of body parts for

muti and juju; on the other hand, measures employed should go beyond the

emergency of attacks, inter alia, to address root causes of attacks including, and

particularly, harmful practices linked to witchcraft.

97. Accordingly, the Independent Expert recommends that Governments:

(a) Review with a human rights approach, and repeal if necessary, outdated

legislation on witchcraft;

(b) Develop, adopt and implement action plans or strategies addressing,

from a multisectoral approach, harmful practices linked to witchcraft and their

impact on all victims, including persons with albinism, in consultation with civil

society;

(c) Regulate the practice of traditional medicine, including through

mechanisms such as a Government-led licensing and monitoring regime in both urban

and rural areas, and establish adequate standards for traditional medicine;

(d) Review and adapt legal frameworks as needed to ensure that they

encompass all aspects of attacks against persons with albinism, including with regard

to trafficking of body parts;

(e) Ensure prompt investigation and prosecution of cases of attacks against

persons with albinism as well as trafficking of body parts for muti or juju;

(f) Ensure the systematic collection of disaggregated data on persons with

albinism, including through birth and death registers, as well as on attacks against

persons with albinism, trafficking in body parts and accusations of witchcraft.

98. The Independent Expert recommends that Governments, together with civil

society and academia:

(a) Conduct in-depth research on root causes of attacks against persons with

albinism, including on harmful practices related to witchcraft;

(b) Develop and implement long-lasting awareness-raising campaigns, as

they are critical to addressing harmful practices and rampant myths affecting the

enjoyment of human rights by persons with albinism.

99. The Independent Expert recommends that the international community:

(a) Advocate for victims of witchcraft practice, including persons with

albinism, by including the phenomena in all discussions and reports on harmful

practices;

(b) Continue to work to:

(i) Clarify the international human rights framework that is

particularly relevant to trafficking in body parts;

(ii) Advance the discourse on witchcraft to improve understanding on

the phenomena, both generally and in the context of harmful practices,

to ultimately ensure the enjoyment of human rights by all victims,

including persons with albinism.