40/33 Summary report on the high-level panel discussion to commemorate the seventieth anniversary of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide - Report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
Document Type: Final Report
Date: 2018 Dec
Session: 40th Regular Session (2019 Feb)
Agenda Item: Item2: Annual report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and reports of the Office of the High Commissioner and the Secretary-General, Item3: Promotion and protection of all human rights, civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to development
GE.18-22580(E)
Human Rights Council Fortieth session
25 February–22 March 2019
Agenda items 2 and 3
Annual report of the United Nations High Commissioner
for Human Rights and reports of the Office of the
High Commissioner and the Secretary-General
Promotion and protection of all human rights, civil,
political, economic, social and cultural rights,
including the right to development
Summary report on the high-level panel discussion to commemorate the seventieth anniversary of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide
Report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner
for Human Rights
United Nations A/HRC/40/33
I. Introduction
1. Pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution 37/26, on 13 September 2018, the
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) organized a
high-level panel discussion to commemorate the seventieth anniversary of the Convention
on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, which was adopted in 1948.
The panel was chaired and moderated by the President of the Human Rights Council,
Vojislav Šuc. Following opening statements by the United Nations High Commissioner for
Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Armenia, Zohrab
Mnatsakanyan, the high-level panel was organized around the remarks of four panellists,
followed by an interactive dialogue with the participation of 22 members of the United
Nations and 7 observers and concluding remarks by the panellists and the Chair.
2. The panellists were Adama Dieng, Under-Secretary-General and Special Adviser to
the Secretary-General on the Prevention of Genocide, Kimberly Prost, judge of the
International Criminal Court, William Schabas, professor of international law at Middlesex
University and of human rights law and international criminal law at Leiden University,
and Fabián Salvioli, Special Rapporteur on the promotion of truth, justice, reparation and
guarantees of non-recurrence.
II. Opening statements
3. In her opening statement, the High Commissioner gave a special welcome to the
panellists, highlighting their enormous breadth of knowledge and expertise. She noted that
the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide had been the
first human rights treaty to be adopted by the General Assembly. The twin events of the
adoption of the Convention on 9 December 1948 and the adoption of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights the next day had marked the start of a new era of human
rights, with a vision of a world in which the genocide of the Holocaust, and the stripping of
multiple human rights that it constituted, would never happen again. However, as the High
Commissioner reminded the Council, the “odious scourge” of genocide, as the Convention
itself described it, remained both a threat and a reality in the twenty-first century, as
evidenced by the report of the independent international fact-finding mission on Myanmar
on the military-led campaign of murder, rape and assault against the Rohingya people
(A/HRC/39/64). She noted the conservative estimates of 10,000 dead, countless more
bereaved, maimed, raped and traumatized and of the nearly three-quarters of a million
people forced to flee to Bangladesh.
4. The High Commissioner stated that, 70 years after the adoption of the Convention,
the gravity of recent acts perpetrated against the Rohingya and against the Yazidis left no
doubt that the Convention mattered as much currently as it did when it was adopted. The
international community must take stock and hold those responsible to account. Beyond
providing justice for victims and punishment for perpetrators, accountability mattered,
because ending impunity was central to ending the crime of genocide. Impunity was an
enabler of genocide and accountability its nemesis. Since punishment was key to
prevention, those stated twin aims of the Convention should not be seen in isolation from
each other. Under international human rights law, accountability included effective,
prompt, thorough and impartial investigations, prosecutions, access to justice and effective
remedies for victims. To that effect, the United Nations approach embraced initiatives
ranging from fact-finding exercises to judicial processes.
5. The High Commissioner referred to the major joint study conducted by the Special
Rapporteur on the promotion of truth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non-recurrence
and the Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide on the contribution of transitional
justice to the prevention of gross violations and abuses of human rights and serious
violations of international humanitarian law, including genocide, war crimes, ethnic
cleansing and crimes against humanity and their recurrence (A/HRC/37/65). The central
message of the study was clear, namely that transitional justice processes contributed to the
prevention of violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian
law, and in particular genocide, war crimes and ethnic cleansing. Those processes delivered
truth, justice and reparations, and thus constituted a vital tool in breaking the cycles of
impunity, discrimination and marginalization and the risk of recurrence.
6. The High Commissioner noted that the joint study highlighted the importance and
potential preventive impact of the work of the Human Rights Council and OHCHR. The
International Criminal Court formed a central pillar of the work to punish, and thus prevent,
the gravest of international crimes. States had the primary responsibility for prosecuting
alleged perpetrators, but the International Criminal Court could step in when a State was
unwilling or unable to deliver justice. That made it possible to bridge, if not eradicate, the
impunity gap for international crimes, including genocide.
7. The High Commissioner welcomed the recent decision by the International Criminal
Court’s Pre-Trial Chamber I, which had found that the Court had jurisdiction over the
alleged deportation of members of the Rohingya people from Myanmar to Bangladesh and
other possible crimes. 1 While not specifically addressing the crime of genocide, the
decision offered real hope regarding accountability for the crimes committed. The High
Commissioner urged all States to support the International Criminal Court, as it was
indispensable for justice and deterrence. In the year of commemoration of the twentieth
anniversary of the adoption of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, the
High Commissioner called upon all remaining countries to sign or ratify the Statute.
8. The High Commissioner noted that genocide was never committed without clear,
multiple warning signs. Patterns of abuse against a given group, an intent to harm and an
established chain of command always preceded a brutal and horrifying outcome. In the case
of the Rohingya, warning signs had abounded: a people oppressed from birth to death, an
army answerable to no one and systematic, State-led human rights violations, including the
arbitrary deprivation of nationality, which had gone unpunished for decades. Seventy years
after the adoption of the Convention, the High Commissioner observed, one remaining
challenge was to improve the recognition of and subsequent action on those warning signs,
including hate speech, both in the real world and on social media.
9. In closing, the High Commissioner noted that the Secretary-General of the United
Nations had emphasized that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the
international treaties deriving from it represented the best prevention tool, since they
identified many of the root causes of conflict and provided real-world solutions. It remained
essential, as the seventieth anniversaries of the Convention on the Prevention and
Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights were
being celebrated, for everyone to stand up for the great vision of a more humane and
peaceful world.
10. Zohrab Mnatsakanyan, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Armenia, observed that 10
years had passed since the adoption by consensus on 28 March 2008 of the first Human
Rights Council resolution on the prevention of genocide, sponsored by Armenia (resolution
7/25). Since then, the Council had been developing the normative framework for prevention
in a regular and consistent manner. Mr. Mnatsakanyan noted the distinguished panellists’
remarkable record and commitment to advancing the prevention agenda internationally, and
within the United Nations in particular.
11. Since 1998, Armenia had consistently worked, within the United Nations and with
its many partners, to raise awareness of the Convention and of the continued risks and
challenges relating to atrocity crimes, and towards building legal and institutional capacity
for prevention. Armenia stood firm in its resolve and commitment to the promotion of the
human rights agenda and the prevention of atrocity crimes, including genocide. It had
worked towards that agenda with the Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide,
including in 2015, when the General Assembly, in its resolution 69/323, had unanimously
proclaimed 9 December as the International Day of Commemoration and Dignity of the
1 International Criminal Court, Pre-Trial Chamber I, request under Regulation 46 (3) of the Regulations
of the Court, decision on the “Prosecution’s Request for a Ruling on Jurisdiction under Article 19(3)
of the Statute”, ICC-RoC46(3)-01/18, 6 September 2018, paras. 73–79.
Victims of the Crime of Genocide and of the Prevention of This Crime. Together with the
Special Adviser, Armenia had since used the International Day as an important platform for
advancing the prevention agenda within the United Nations. It was similarly advanced in
Geneva through the high-level panel.
12. Mr. Mnatsakanyan acknowledged and paid tribute to the lawyer Raphael Lemkin,
who had dedicated his entire life to challenging and confronting States’ sovereign right to
kill. Mr. Lemkin had formulated the legal term of genocide and endorsed the attribution of
international responsibility to sovereign States to protect their populations from the crime
of genocide. Mr. Mnatsakanyan also paid tribute to every national and international activist,
advocate, expert and practitioner who had stood up in the face of atrocities. He referred to
the Revised and Updated Report on the Question of the Prevention and Punishment of the
Crime of Genocide (E/CN.4/SUB.2/1985/6 and Corr.1), referred to as the “Whitaker
report” after Ben Whitaker, a member of the Sub-Commission on Prevention of
Discrimination and Protection of Minorities of the Commission on Human Rights. The
report had introduced the idea of establishing an international body concerned with the
prevention of genocide. It was regrettable that such a long time had passed and more
genocides occurred before the international community had taken heed of what Secretary-
General Kofi Annan had termed “complicity with evil” and, in 2004, endorsed Mr.
Whitaker’s proposal for tangible yet modest mechanisms for the prevention of genocide.
13. Mr. Mnatsakanyan praised the efforts of the current Special Adviser and of all his
predecessors for having worked towards changing the culture of reaction at the United
Nations to one of prevention. He expressed gratitude for the Secretary-General’s
commitment to maintaining the Office on Genocide Prevention and the Responsibility to
Protect and for his consistent promotion of the critical functions of early warning and early
action in the prevention of genocide.
14. Since the adoption of the Convention, “never again” had been uttered many times,
yet genocides had not been prevented. Tendencies towards radicalism, exclusion and hatred
were disturbing the international agenda. The conspicuous decline of the international
commitment to multilateralism and respect for human rights at a time when more
international cooperation and stronger institutions – especially the United Nations – were
needed was particularly troubling. While genocides had not occurred often, they constituted
the ultimate crime. Thus, Mr. Lemkin’s argument to sceptics on the need for legislation had
centred around the permanent loss of a targeted group and survivors’ permanent loss of an
invaluable part of their identity. Mr. Mnatsakanyan stated that Armenia knew that from
experience.
15. Mr. Mnatsakanyan referred to the upsetting statistics on the status of accession to
and ratification of the Convention: nearly a quarter of the States Members of the United
Nations had not acceded. On the eve of the seventieth anniversary of the Convention, as a
country that had consistently been promoting the prevention of genocide, Armenia joined
its voice to the appeal of the Special Adviser for universal ratification of the Convention.
16. Mr. Mnatsakanyan noted that Armenia had consistently promoted the importance of
and need to prioritize early prevention, and that prevention meant early action. Prevention
efforts entailed a sufficient capacity to detect, monitor and address early warning signs,
which, if unaddressed, could lead to a deterioration and loss of control, and potentially to
the perpetration of crimes on a massive scale. Prevention primarily required the legal and
institutional capacity of a State – firmly based on political and moral responsibility – to
protect and promote human rights and freedoms for all within its jurisdiction. The lack of
capacity to secure human rights for all had increased the risk of identity-based violations of
rights, the crime of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity – being the ultimate
manifestation of such violations. The consistent and determined protection of fundamental
human rights formed part of a State’s responsibility to prevent. Thus, prevention must be
viewed as a responsibility to be delivered first and foremost at the national level. Solid
national institutions, an active, diverse and robust civil society, free media and academia
contributed to transparency and accountability.
17. At the international level, prevention required a continued integrated approach and
action by all, combining the three pillars of security, development and human rights. The
human rights and prevention mechanisms of the United Nations had developed
considerable capacity to detect risks, to gather and analyse early warning signs and to
present them to States. Human rights mechanisms, including the special procedures of the
Human Rights Council, treaty bodies and the universal period review process and OHCHR,
deserved sustained attention and use, being well placed to secure collaborative action aimed
at early prevention. Mr. Mnatsakanyan drew attention to the practical proposal of the
Special Adviser concerning a systematic and structured approach within the United Nations
to information gathering, analysis and the dissemination of early warning signs and to
supporting regional arrangements and the development by Member States of effective early
warning systems. The international community and the United Nations system should be
resolute in reacting to all patterns of discrimination and targeting of vulnerable groups, and
to hate speech, radicalism and incitement to hatred. Denialism and impunity were
fundamental obstacles to prevention. Justice denied had haunted genocide survivors for
generations and was an impediment to genuine reconciliation.
18. Education, as a means to promote a culture of respect for human rights, was
indispensable for prevention. Mr. Mnatsakanyan highlighted the Global Forum Against the
Crime of Genocide, established in 2015, through which Armenia offered a solid platform
for international cooperation on the prevention of genocide. The third Global Forum was
set to take place in Yerevan on 9 December 2018, drawing together prominent scholars and
practitioners on prevention and focusing on the role of education. Mr. Mnatsakanyan
emphasized the commitment by Armenia to the collective international effort to prevent
future genocides. He concluded by reiterating his deep conviction that “never again” should
be uttered for the last time.
III. Contributions of panellists
19. Adama Dieng, Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, referred to the fact
that the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide had been
adopted one day before the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, demonstrating its
immense importance. The still-fresh memory of the terrible events of the Second World
War had prompted Member States to prioritize the drawing up of an international legal
convention that would prohibit the crime of genocide, requiring signatory Governments to
take all necessary steps to prevent or halt the crime.
20. The crime of genocide did not start with the Convention and, unfortunately, it did
not end with it. Throughout history, many events could have been qualified as genocide
under the Convention, and the international community continued to face situations that, if
tested in a court of law, could be determined to be genocide or another international crime
of extreme concern. In the Central African Republic, Iraq, Myanmar, South Sudan, the
Syrian Arab Republic and Yemen, for example, people had been subjected to the most
terrible crimes under the international community’s watch.
21. The Special Adviser stated that genocide should not be part of the present or the
future. It did not happen by accident, nor was it inevitable, but took place due to the
international community’s inaction or ineffectiveness in addressing the warning signs.
People were dehumanized and persecuted for who they were, for the religion they practised
or their culture, or simply for their distinctive physical characteristics. Great suffering,
cruelty and inhumane acts stemmed from unacceptable motivations such as the thirst for
power or resources, distorted views of identity supremacy, extremist ideologies and selfish
interests.
22. The Special Adviser noted that the collective failure to address the underlying crises
that set the context for genocide had disastrous human and economic consequences,
including enormous loss of life, massive displacement, collective trauma lasting for
generations, devastated economies and development being set back by decades. The ripple
effects could be felt at the regional and international levels. Genocide could constitute a
threat to international peace and security.
23. The Special Adviser recalled that 149 States had ratified or acceded to the
Convention, leaving 44 Member States yet to join. That lack of commitment was puzzling
and raised the question of what message those States were sending, 70 years after the
adoption of the Convention. History had shown that genocide could happen anywhere, and
to think otherwise was naive.
24. The Special Adviser referred to the Secretary-General’s one-year appeal for the
universal ratification of the Convention, which had been launched in 2017, and urged non-
signatory Member States to prioritize ratifying the Convention by its seventieth
anniversary, on 9 December 2018. Ratification was a matter of moral obligation towards
humanity. It represented a recognition of the responsibility of States towards their
populations and showed respect for those who had perished. The Convention provided the
basis of preventive action and had played a vital role in the development of international
criminal law. In the light of the negative impact of the crime of genocide on international
peace and security, ratifying the Convention was not just a symbol of international unity,
but demonstrated commitment to the fundamental principles of the United Nations.
25. The Special Adviser called for the Convention to be protected as it marked its
seventieth anniversary. “Never again”, the call that had led the international community to
draft the convention, had in fact become “time and again”. More than ever, the Convention
had relevance and could only be put to rest when the threat of genocide no longer existed.
There was a lack of commitment towards the Convention; that commitment and the resolve
to take preventive action must be reinvigorated.
26. The Special Adviser concluded by recalling that the Convention, together with other
human rights treaties and the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, remained
the most important legal standard embodying the promise of “never again”, which the
world had made 70 years ago, and he called on all the Member States to join the cause.
There could be no justification for not doing so, as it was a moral imperative.
27. Kimberly Prost, judge at the International Criminal Court, shared her experience as
an international criminal law practitioner, drawing in particular on her time as a judge of
the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in a trial with seven accused, the
largest handled by the Tribunal.
28. For four years, Judge Prost and her colleagues had listened to witnesses, including
victims, survivors, those who had been there to protect, those involved in the conflict and
those who had participated in the crime, and reviewed the evidence on the unfolding
Srebrenica genocide. They had received a vast amount of evidence – involving more than
300 witnesses and almost 90,000 pages of documents detailing what had happened before,
during and after the attacks in Srebrenica and Žepa in Bosnia and Herzegovina in July
1995.
29. In the context of the high-level panel, Judge Prost focused on two lessons that could
be drawn from the circumstances and architecture of the genocide in Srebrenica, which
were not unique to that case. First, the atrocities arose from a foundation of smouldering
hatred, bigotry and ethnic and religious division that had never been addressed, but rather
were covered over and supressed by systems put in place precisely in order to address them.
That smouldering had continued until, inevitably, new oxygen brought the flames to life
again. The fire had been fuelled by decades – even centuries – of cyclical violence and
atrocities, the response to which had never been justice but more atrocity. The words of one
witness had stayed with her: “one day we were neighbours and the next day we were killing
each other”. The painfully clear lesson was that ending the immediate conflict and violence
was insufficient. Rather, the only way to prevent genocide and other atrocities was by
addressing the underlying issues, ending the cycle of violence, replacing vengeance with
justice and ensuring accountability.
30. The second lesson was an ancient one, which the international community did not
seem to have learned: that evil could arise from unconstrained power. The architects of the
massacre in Srebrenica had been driven by their perceived absolute power, as evidenced by
the words of Ratko Mladić, captured on film as he proudly marched through the fallen
protected enclave of Srebrenica and boarded a bus filled with members of the Muslim
community: “I am Ratko Mladić … you will have heard of me … I am giving you your life
as a gift”. He and the other architects of the genocide had believed that power would allow
them to carry out horrific crimes on a massive scale and would let them get away with it.
They had believed they were immune from consequences and justice, and that had
emboldened them.
31. Judge Prost noted that the world that had preceded those atrocities and others like it
had supported that belief. Soon after the post-Second World War trials in Tokyo and
Nuremberg, lessons had been forgotten, progress had been halted, and rampant impunity for
grave crimes – without any prospect of justice or accountability – had returned. Many
culprits had lived out their lives in the country concerned or in peaceful exile. That culture
had bred what followed at Srebrenica and elsewhere. Judge Prost expressed her fear that,
after a time of great progress, the world was returning to an age in which the same culture
prevailed and power safeguarded atrocity, accountability was an uncomfortable word,
victims knew no justice and there was a culture of impunity. Continuing that culture would
lead the world into another generation of genocide and atrocity. The law must speak to
power and atrocity must be answered with justice, not revenge. The international
community should build a culture in which leaders, soldiers, rebels and civil servants feared
the consequences of crime and saw accountability and justice all around them.
32. Judge Prost stressed that accountability was not a panacea; rather, the sole solution
was to prevent atrocity. A multifaceted approach was required to respond to the complexity
of the problem, as had been well recognized by the late Secretary-General Kofi Annan, who
had implemented the comprehensive strategy for prevention of genocide. However,
accountability was still essential, as without it the world would fail. The challenges to
international criminal justice were great, but the international community could not afford
to fail, as the consequences would be grave.
33. Judge Prost raised the question of how to ensure that the international community
did not fail. She viewed the International Criminal Court as part of the Rome Statute
system, rather than as a stand-alone body. Under that system, the Court did not replace the
States’ sovereign authority to address crimes, but complemented it. It served the purpose of
motivating States to take up their responsibility to investigate and prosecute international
crimes, only intervening when no State was willing or able to act. It would be most
effective when universal adherence was reached and, in the interim, it was an important
tool for achieving accountability.
34. Judge Prost acknowledged that there were States that had concerns about the
International Criminal Court and did not support it, and that some openly opposed and
attacked it. While States were entitled not to be bound by the Rome Statute and to criticize
it, no State could escape the obligation to hold perpetrators of the most serious crimes
known to humanity accountable. While a State could criticize the Court, none could
credibly be opposed to justice. In that regard, Judge Prost observed, in order to change the
current culture of impunity, the conversation about atrocities and the Court needed to
change. In particular, those opposed to the Court had to be asked what alternative they
would propose to achieve accountability, justice for victims and prevention. In the face of a
lack of national action for the vast majority of the crimes concerned, routine references to
sovereignty and national prosecutions were insufficient and meaningless. Such references
did not constitute an answer; rather, they were empty platitudes.
35. The work of the Human Rights Council, of the High Commissioner and her Office
and of the Special Advisor was of critical importance, as it shed light on and condemned
atrocious crimes. Inquiries were made and evidence was gathered. While stressing the need
for that work to continue, Judge Prost called for more to be done. She urged members of the
Council to use it and other international forums to generate the required political will and
pressure to identify atrocities and bring accountability. While justice was costly and could
be slow, the cost of genocide and atrocity was far greater, and rebuilding societies required
generations. On the twentieth anniversary of the Rome Statute and the seventieth
anniversary of the Convention, Judge Prost called for justice to be reprioritized, with a
renewed commitment to accountability as an important step towards preventing genocide
for current and future generations.
36. William Schabas, professor of international law at Middlesex University and of
human rights law and international criminal law at Leiden University, highlighted that the
Convention had been drafted and adopted as a response to the fact that genocide had
occurred throughout history, rather than as a response to the Second World War
specifically, as had been the case for the Charter of the United Nations, which made explicit
reference to the two world wars. In fact, in its resolution 96 (I) on the crime of genocide,
the General Assembly stated that many instances of such crimes had occurred. In the
preamble to the Convention, the contracting States recognized that, at all periods of history,
genocide had inflicted great losses on humanity. Indeed, the twentieth century had begun
with the genocide against the Herero in German South-West Africa, as acknowledged in
2017 by the German parliament. The international community had spoken of genocide
when referring to the 1915 atrocities committed against the Armenian population under the
Ottoman Empire, which had been condemned at the time by France, the Russian Empire
and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and were referred to as crimes
against humanity and defined as massacres in the 1920 Peace Treaty of Sèvres. Subsequent
to the adoption of the Convention, other genocides had been committed, including in
Bosnia and Herzegovina and Rwanda, as had been recognized by international courts such
as the International Court of Justice, the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia
and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda.
37. Mr. Schabas noted that Winston Churchill had been right when he had said that
genocide was a crime without a name, which indeed it had been until Raphael Lemkin
invented the word. Mr. Lemkin’s vision of genocide was broader than the definition found
in the Convention itself. In particular, Mr. Schabas believed that genocide encompassed a
range of punishable acts that corresponded more closely to the present understanding of the
crime against humanity of persecution. However, in 1948 many members of the United
Nations had been reluctant to go that far because of their own history of acts of persecution
and oppression against minorities within their borders. Thus, while the Convention had
been criticized for its narrowness, it should be kept in mind that it was a compromise
reached in 1948 at the dawn of modern international human rights law. It was the first
convention within the United Nations human rights system.
38. Mr. Schabas observed that the Convention was narrow, in as much as it referred to a
national, ethnical, racial or religious group and not to a range of other groups. In that
regard, Mr. Lemkin had been in agreement with the drafters, as he had seen the Convention
as an extension or a correction of the range of treaties and other instruments aimed at
protecting national minorities that had been adopted in the aftermath of the First World
War.
39. At the same time, the Convention was a reflection of an understanding broadly
shared by the members of the United Nations at the time, that the atrocities of the Second
World War had been the result of a more deep-seated flaw in humanity, namely the belief
in a particular racial group as superior or inferior to another. That had led to the Holocaust
– the Shoah of the Second World War – and had also manifested itself in other forms of
discrimination such as slavery, the slave trade and colonialism.
40. For 40 years following the adoption of the Convention, international criminal law
had been largely stagnant and the Convention had been the only instrument of significance
in the field. In parallel, human rights law had continued to evolve. The 1990s had seen a
dramatic change, with the renaissance of international criminal law. However, while there
had been phenomenal legal development particularly in relation to the definition of crimes,
such as the extension of war crimes to cover non-international armed conflict and the
understanding that crimes against humanity could also be committed during peacetime,
paradoxically, the definition of genocide had been left unchanged. It was as if the
Convention had been put on a pedestal as a monument to legal development.
41. Mr. Schabas noted that, with the adoption of the Rome Statute and the
“responsibility to protect” resolutions, in which no significant distinction was made
between the crime of genocide and crimes against humanity, the concept of genocide in the
Convention might have become less significant. That might explain, but not excuse, the
failure by many States to ratify the Convention. There had only been 10 new ratifications
over the past decade. Forty-four Member States had still not ratified the Convention,
including four members of the Human Rights Council.
42. Mr. Schabas observed that the word “genocide” was used in many ways. When
applying the Convention, the term was used and interpreted narrowly, including by judges
at international criminal tribunals and the International Court of Justice. In other contexts,
the term was used more broadly to include ethnic cleansing and other mass atrocities in
order to attract the attention of the international community. However, both the narrow
legal approach and the broad approach favoured by activists and journalists – and even by
diplomats at times – showed that genocide retained the label given to it in the work of the
International Law Commission, and subsequently by the International Criminal Tribunal for
Rwanda, as “the crime of crimes”.
43. Fabián Salvioli, Special Rapporteur on the promotion of truth, justice, reparation and
guarantees of non-recurrence, noted that the Human Rights Council was the appropriate
forum to commemorate the seventieth anniversary of the Convention. The best way to do so
was, firstly, by feeling and expressing solidarity with the victims and their families. Past
victims were still suffering from the effects of genocidal practices and crimes against
humanity. Such solidarity had to lead to action by the international community so that those
crimes did not go unpunished, societies knew the truth, victims received reparations and the
repetition of such events was prevented.
44. Secondly, the international community had to recognize the value of the Convention.
While the negotiations had been challenging, the Convention had been approved
unanimously by the General Assembly, thus marking an epochal event. The Special
Rapporteur’s mandate was closely related to the issue of genocide as, increasingly, when
societies had faced the crime of genocide and crimes against humanity, transitional justice
mechanisms had been used to move forward. Consequently, the principles and values that
had inspired the Convention had to be reflected in the collective processes of memory, truth
and effective justice.
45. Thirdly, in order to guarantee non-recurrence, the preventive dimension had to be
emphasized, and national, regional and global plans of action for the prevention of genocide
and other international crimes had to be developed. The Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, adopted by the General Assembly the day after the adoption of the Convention,
constituted the most powerful tool of prevention. It recognized the civil, political,
economic, social and cultural rights of all people and gave birth to the most beautiful
branch of international law, international human rights law.
46. The Special Rapporteur noted that discrimination lay at the heart of the denial of
equality of all persons, and was thus at the origin of flagrant and systematic violations of
human rights. The principle of non-discrimination was non-derogable and a peremptory
norm. Consequently, States were obliged to respect and guarantee human rights to all
people and had a positive duty to act with due diligence to prevent and sanction
discrimination by private entities, companies and individuals.
47. The preventive effect of societies in which human rights were fully enjoyed was
unmatched. Therefore, respect for and the guarantee of human rights provided the road map
for prevention. All public policies of States had to be directed towards achieving full
respect for human rights.
48. At the international level, article VIII of the Convention, which had been eliminated
during the Convention negotiations and then reintroduced, provided that any Contracting
Party could call upon the competent organs of the United Nations to take such action under
the Charter of the United Nations as they considered appropriate for the prevention and
suppression of acts of genocide. That put the responsibility on to the international
community. The Special Rapporteur cited a quote from Raphael Lemkin’s autobiography
attributed to a diplomatic representative who had participated in the negotiations on the
Convention: “It’s just a matter of the right people doing the right thing at the right time”.
49. The Special Rapporteur stated that the international community was obliged to
promote the principle of a collective guarantee of human rights. It had to raise its voice
clearly and strongly when facing the crime of genocide and other atrocious crimes, no
matter who was responsible and who the victim was, to act firmly against hate speech, to
reject discrimination and to promote human rights education. If he was present today, as 70
years ago, Lemkin would ask if the right people were in the room to do the right thing at the
right time. The Special Rapporteur stressed, therefore, that the best way to commemorate
the anniversary was for each individual present to use human rights as a tool daily, in words
and deeds, to achieve a response that matched the challenge.
IV. Interactive dialogue
50. During the interactive dialogue, delegations from Australia, Brazil, Costa Rica,
speaking on behalf of a group of countries,2 Cuba, Czechia, Ecuador, the European Union,
Greece, Iraq, Italy, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, speaking on behalf of a group of Baltic and
Nordic countries, Montenegro, the Netherlands, speaking on behalf of members of the
Group of Friends on the Responsibility to Protect, the Russian Federation, Rwanda,
Senegal, Slovenia, Switzerland, speaking on behalf of a group of countries,3 member non-
governmental organizations (NGOs) and academic institutions of the steering group of
Global Action against Mass Atrocity Crimes, Togo, speaking on behalf of the African
Group, Tunisia, speaking on behalf of the Group of Arab States, Turkey and the Bolivarian
Republic of Venezuela took the floor.
51. Delegates of the following NGOs also took the floor: the Asian Forum for Human
Rights and Development (Forum-Asia), the Center for Global Nonkilling, Human Rights
Watch, Rencontre africaine pour la défense des droits de l’homme, Südwind – Association
for Educational and Advocacy Activities Related to Development Policy and the World
Jewish Congress.
52. Several representatives called for universal ratification of the Convention, and for
those members of the United Nations that had not yet done so to ratify it. Some also
expressed their support for the International Criminal Court or called upon States to ratify
the Rome Statute. Multiple delegations emphasized that the primary responsibility in
relation to accountability and prevention lay with States, and referred to the implementation
of the Convention and other human rights instruments or the Rome Statute through national
legislation.
53. An NGO representative pointed at alarming cases of mass atrocity crimes and
allegations of genocide, including in Myanmar.
A. Prevention of the crime of genocide through addressing underlying
causes
54. Among the delegations there was consensus that human rights violations provided
the backdrop to the crime of genocide, which did not happen overnight and in a vacuum.
Some speakers pointed out that genocide was the result of a pattern of human rights
violations, such as repression, discrimination and hate speech, committed over a prolonged
period. One delegation underlined that it was critical not to forget that the Convention on
the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide had been adopted after the
horrific crimes committed during the Second World War and the targeted destruction of
specific groups in various countries, and that those crimes had been the results of inhumane
ideologies. It emphasized the importance of addressing contemporaneous manifestations of
fascism and neo-Nazism. One delegation condemned acts of war and military intervention,
which contributed to poverty and prevented the development and self-determination of
peoples, against the spirit of the Convention. Accordingly, delegations agreed that the full
respect of human rights was at the heart of any prevention effort. It was essential to foster
fundamental rights, including civil, political, social, economic and cultural rights, and the
enjoyment of such rights at both the national and international levels.
2 Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Mexico, Peru and Uruguay.
3 Argentina, Costa Rica, Denmark, Switzerland and Tanzania.
55. Accountability for violations of human rights was part of the prevention effort.
Representatives noted that the International Criminal Court had already had a preventive
effect and that, through its establishment, much progress had been made in the fight against
impunity for perpetrators of atrocities. On the African continent, an NGO representative
said, the main challenge remained the persistence of impunity and the complete disregard
for the International Criminal Court by many countries. In the same vein, another NGO
representative noted with regret a trend towards impunity. Faced with the veto in the
Security Council on a referral to the International Criminal Court, the resolution by the
General Assembly establishing a mechanism for the Syrian Arab Republic at least
represented a glimmer of hope. One delegate emphasized that impunity for the crime of
genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity encouraged their reoccurrence and
acknowledged that, due to political realities and the legal definition of genocide,
convictions for the crime of genocide were difficult and rare. Another highlighted the need
for transitional justice measures, the need to reveal the whereabouts of missing persons and
the need to provide redress to victims.
56. Some delegations agreed that understanding the causes and consequences of
genocide and the remembrance of the victims of yesterday played a key role in the
prevention of genocide, including by providing an opportunity to learn lessons from the
past. Education and capacity-building constituted the foundation of any prevention efforts.
One delegate proposed a holistic approach, going beyond criminal sanctions and fostering
structural policies promoting a world free of genocide, including human rights education
and measures against xenophobia and racial discrimination. One delegation in particular
stressed its work in remembering and learning from the 1994 genocide in Rwanda,
eradicating its roots and ideology, and in unifying, reconciling and improving the economic
and social welfare of Rwandan people. That State had endeavoured to share its experience,
including by contributing to peacekeeping missions. An NGO representative noted a
worrying increase in attempts to deny crimes to which victims had been subjected, and
stressed that there was a collective responsibility to ensure that victims were never
forgotten and never denied. One delegation drew a distinction between the denial of
genocide – non-recognition – and freedom of expression as recognized by the European
Court of Human Rights.
57. An NGO representative highlighted the preventive effect of the Convention itself,
stating that the Convention signalled that mass killings were and remained unacceptable
and intolerable.
B. International, regional and national responses
58. One delegation emphasized that the silence of the Convention on what form
prevention measures by Member States should take did not justify a lack of action.
Specifically, several delegations pointed at the role of the Human Rights Council and all
Geneva-based organizations in the prevention of gross violations and abuses of human
rights, including those that could lead to genocide. The Council should focus on
strengthening the effectiveness of its prevention mandate and improving early warning
systems. Early warning signs could be recognized through focusing on country-specific
situations, establishing monitoring and investigative mechanisms and offering technical
assistance and access to special procedure mechanisms within their mandates. One delegate
stressed the need for technical assistance to States in relation to their early warning systems.
59. Delegations identified a need to improve efforts to mainstream prevention across the
United Nations system, starting with the prevention of all human rights violations and
abuses. They emphasized that preventing violence and ensuring accountability also fell
within the responsibility of the Security Council. The hope was expressed that the reform
process within the United Nations would improve coordination between the Security
Council, the General Assembly and the Human Rights Council. Some delegates referred to
the responsibility to protect doctrine, including as set out in the 2005 World Summit
Outcome Document.
60. It was stressed that the international community had failed too many times to
prevent the most serious atrocities and that, rather than lacking information, the
international community lacked the political will to act upon clear signs preceding
genocide. One delegate therefore called for a genuine culture of prevention, where early
warning was complemented by early action.
61. One delegation urged the members of the Human Rights Council to consider the
crimes committed by Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) against the Yazidi,
Turkoman and Christian communities in Iraq as war crimes, to help the joint investigative
mechanism established by the Security Council to gather evidence against ISIL and to bring
justice to the victims of those atrocities.
62. On the regional level, the development of policies and programmes by the African
Union and the subregional organizations in Africa to prevent and punish genocide was
noted. The African Union and its organs had invested in strengthening their capacities in
relation to early warning and rapid response in situations that could lead to genocide. The
African Union was cooperating with its member States, international organizations, the
Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, civil society and religious leaders to build
more resilient societies and respond to crises in Africa and elsewhere in the world.
63. Regarding action on a national level, one delegation encouraged Member States to
appoint focal points on the prevention of genocide pursuant to resolution 37/26.
V. Concluding remarks
64. In the concluding remarks, the panel emphasized that the current multilateral
system was not adequate to prevent genocide. A system that put people at the heart of
the international community’s concerns, before considering the political interests of
States, was needed.
65. While improvement of the international legal framework was necessary, the
universal ratification of both the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the
Crime of Genocide and the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court was
first required. The African Union’s communiqué calling for the ratification of the
Convention and other human rights treaties was positively noted in that context.
States should establish universal jurisdiction over the crime of genocide, and support
for the International Criminal Court had to be ensured.
66. The panel considered that the Human Rights Council should use early warning
systems and that it needed to work together with treaty bodies, the special procedures
and the High Commissioner to ensure a holistic approach on prevention. The panel
observed that national risk analysis was important to protect populations from
atrocities, and that it was essential to invest in structural prevention at the national
level, including by supporting other States in the implementation of national strategies
for prevention.
67. The panel noted that the independent impartial and international mechanisms
for the Syrian Arab Republic and Myanmar and any future mechanisms of that
nature were a critical innovation, and allowed for the preservation of evidence for
national and international prosecutions. The Human Rights Council had to continue
shedding light on atrocities, calling for justice and accountability and generating the
political will needed for more accountability mechanisms.
68. The panel provided a historical footnote, describing how Raphael Lemkin had
been unhappy when attending the reading of the Nuremberg judgment, because
crimes against humanity had been confined to crimes committed in relation with
armed conflict. He then attended the first United Nations General Assembly, where he
found support from the countries of the South for his proposal for a resolution on
genocide. The panel stressed that the Convention was in fact one of the first
international legal initiatives to have come from the global South.
69. The President of the Human Rights Council thanked the panellists and
concluded, in reference to the quote from Raphael Lemkin’s autobiography, that
organizing the panel was the right task done at the right time and with the right
people.